Newspapers / The Times [1882] (Raleigh, … / Aug. 9, 1882, edition 1 / Page 4
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Speech of Hon. J. T. Updegraff. The House, as in Committee of the Whole House on the state of the Union, having under consideration, the bill (H. R. No. 2315) to provide for the ap pointment of a commission to investi gate the question of the tariff and In ternal Revenue Laws, Mr. Updegraff, of Ohio, said: What I have to say will relate main ly to the interest of labor, and especi ally to a consideration of the question of the effect of the protective system on the agricultural interests of the country, as this is the point of the free-trade assault. HOW FARMERS ARE DAMAGED BY PRO TECTION. By the logic of English free-trade pamphleteers and American free-tra e college professors protection is an in justice and an injury to the agricul tural interest of the country. The farmer is the stragetic point of the free-trade assault. No matter how prosperous, he is assured that his ap parent success is only a “delusion;” that in reality he is carrying intoler able burdens and is on the road to cer tain ruin. In defiance of facts and reason, he is assured that he gets no protection from protection, and that a “home market” is simply an ideal and wicked invention of an organized band of * robber,” called, in the very mock ery of satire, ‘-protectionist.” On this flooi I have heard the most oppro brious namas applied to some of our most indispensable industrial classes, until the argument reso.ved itself into an assault of epithets. Elsewhere— the parliamentary way, I believe, of alluding to the Senate—it has lately been declared by a distinguished per son that if American farmers knew more about it they would never sub mit to a protective tariff. The gentle man f om Kentucky, [Mr. Turner,] who slid he had been a farmer all his life, dwelt with pathetic eloquence on the “legalized robbery” of this “odious tariff'.” Trace chains was bis special grievance, but he ceclared it compelled the farmer “to pay large and enhanced prices for nearly all he consumes.” And when he assumed that a duty of 40 per cent was to be laid not only on the $448,061,587 worth of imported goods subject to duty, but added the same 40 per cent, to .he $5,000,000,000 worth of home manufactures.consumed, claiming that these were enhanced in price to the consumers $2,000,000,000, no wonder he shou'd declare in his dismay, “These figures are appalling.” 'hey certainly would be if the gentleman’s theory can prove that its claim to the appalling figures is valid. It is sirs ceptible of the most abundant and absolute proof that it is not. Mr. Chairman, I have been a farmer all my life, and every year for thirty years have sold the pioducts of the farm. Wren manufactures were fully protected and flourishing I have never- seen the time that judicious agricul ture was not prosperous; and when manufacturing under “revenue’ tariff was crij pled or broken down I never saw agriculture flouris ing. Is there any gentleman in this House who has? Sometime- a certain product may be in demand temporarily, but the uni form rule is as 1 have stated it. If any member has seen it otherwise, let him declare it. [Applause.] No; the real and permanent industries of it people are always in harmony and interde- pen ence with each other. Each member of a community profits by an increase in the productive power of the whole body. That advantage is increased and multiplied by every in crease in the diversity of employ ments. The farming interest above every other is benefited by this diver sity which save the necessity of carry ing bulky products to a distant market; lor eveiy intelligent farmer knows that the man who is compelled to go to market must, iu some way, pay the cost of going, and that the very first of all the charges paid, by labor or by land, is that for transportation. But Mr. Mongredien says, in his Cobden Club pamphlet, the farmer neither receives nor seeks legislative protection.” False again. He does both. The farmer has carefully and intelligently studied this question, not merely by theories of bookmen, but in the school of practical affairs. He asks, and has received, fair protection for his industiies. It is just that be should, for many agricultural products are produced in other countries by pauper labor, against which it would be a monstrous outrage that the American farmer should be 'orced to compete. Purely this English teacher could not be ignorant of the f ict that protective duties are imposed on all the leading agricultural products where protection is practicable. American farmers know thai thete duties were laid to protect these ar ticles in the home market, whi -h con sumes nearly 93 per cent, of all the products of the iarm. It is not necessary to give a full cat alogue of all these products and the duty on each, but I mention enough, taken from our tariff list, to show how carefully the interests of the farmer have been considered The duty on Indian corn is 10 cents a bushel ; on wheat, 20 cents a bushel; oats, 10 cents a bushel; barley, 15 cents a bushel; rye, 15 cents a bushel, peas uno beans, 10 to 20 per cent.; potatoes, 15 cents a bushel; buttej, 4 cents a pound; cheese, 4 cents a pound; pool try, 10 per cenr.; sugar, 2 to 5 cents per pound; leaf tobacco, 35 cents a pound; manufactured tobacco, 50 cents a pound; beef and perk, 1 cent a pound; mutton, 10 cents a pound; hay, 20 per cent. ; on all domesti ■ animals except for breeding purposes, 20 per cent., but those for bie 'ding purposes admitted free iu the interest of farm ing and stock-raising; wool, from 10 to 12 cents a pound, with from 10 to 12 per cent, added. Not only is lrs interest thus pro tected but the farmer knows well that the protection to the manu acturer benefits 1 im still more. He knows that when the great m mufacturing in- dustrii s of various kinds are active and flourishing that there is always a de mand for all the variety of his pro ducts in the home market. He un er- stands that the product or price of the great staples of wheat and corn, a part of which may be exported, are no measure oi the benefit to him of A HOME MARKET, which consumes at ready prices the still mme abundant and profitable products of the farm which cannot reach a distant or foreign market with out great Io s and many of them not at all. The vicinity of a mauufa dur ing town or of a manufacturing estab li8hment, whether it be a rolling-mill, furnace, or factory, not only at once raises toe price of every foot of his land, but gives him a daily market for the perishable and small products of the farm, such as fruit, dairy products, vegetables, eggs, poultry, veal, mut ton, hay, straw, fodder, b rr cs co d- wood, and a multitude of minor ar ¬ ticles, thousands Sod millions of dol lars’ worth of which no absolute re cord can ever find its place in a nation- tional balance-sheet, and these are the most profitable of the products of the farm. Our whole agricultural production for the year 1880 was more than $9,000,000,000; our whole manufac tures, as estimated, not more than $5,000,000,000 ; so that at present our home market, like our manufacturing industry, is yet in its infancy. And yet that home market consumes nearly ninety two per cent, of our vast farm ing products, leaving out cotton and tobacco, and 94 per cent, of our man ufactured products. But the amount consumed by the home demand is no real standard of the relative value of the home and foreign market. First, the cost of transportation and its risks must always be set against the foreign market. Then instability and uncer tainty are always to us essential and necessary characteristics of our Euro pean market. Every year that demand varies. An abundant harvest there leaves us without a foreign demand. Our only reliance for a full demand in the European markets for our vast raw products of the farm depends mainly on the chances of war, famine, or pesti lence. No safe or prosper; us agricul ture can exist, or ever did exist, with out the reliance of a regular healthy home demand. The farmer, more than almost any other procurer, needs sta bility iu the demands ©f his mirket, for his investments must be made a year or more in advance. He cannot change his crop planted six months or a year before its sale to meet it- iluc- tuations of demands for a different product caused by the multilorm vicis situdes of a foreign demand from a bad harvest, expected to be a full and sup plying om up to the very week of its failure. A steady, uniform, reliable European market for American farm products is an absolute impos ibility. It changes with ( very prolonged sum mer fog iu England and every rain- storm on the shores of the Baltic. It hangs not only on foreign harvests but on treaties and tariffs, on disasters and diplomacy, on rain and revolution. The farmer meets uncertainty enough in the varied chances of drought and flood, of heat and cold, of rust and weevil, or short crops, and low prices from abundant ones, without driving him to the wretched gambling, des perate hazard of seeking a weekly changing market 3,000 miles from home. It is of value as an outlet for our surplus of food products', but as a reliance for our vast pos.-ibilities it is a delusion and a failure. This is the more so because the price of the whole crop is fixed by the small portion of it .exported. The American farmer received for his, crop of 1878, amounting to 2,302,000,- 000 bushels, the sum of $914,000,000, or about $122,000,000 less than in 1877, when his crop was in less quantity by 124,000,000 bushels, and $200,000,- 000 less than in 1868 or 1874, when his crop was only 1,450,000,000 bushels. The average home price of wheat was $1.42 in 1868, $1.25 in 1871, $1.15 in 1873, $1.03 in 1876, $1.08 in 1877, and $0.77 in 1878, showing in spite of the growing demand from Europe, a steady decline singularly out of proportion with the increase of production. Thus the crop of 1878, which was larger in quantity than that of 1877 by 6 per cent., was less in value by 21 per cent. Now, the uncertainty of the market for these farm products was largely owing to the changing and uncerhiin demand of the European market during this time. In some of these years the scarcity of food in foreign countries made an unusual demand for our food products. But to realize how utterly uncertain that demand is, the Ameri can farmer has only to remember that an abundant European harvest leaves him dependent almost wholly on the home market. This is the only safe de pendence of the American farmer, and whatever enlarges and builds it up helps to make sure and remunerative and independent' this great industry, American agriculture, which is the nursing-mother of all our in rustries. The price of our commodities in a foreign country is compelled to adjust itself to the lower purchasing power of the European masses, while the basis of our own market is the largely greater purcha ing power of the American masses. At the same time a better em ployment of our labor and a gra lual increase of our manufacturing popula tion, with the consequent competition, give to the whole people an abundant supply of manufactured goods at prices lower than can be fairly afforded by any foreign commerce. the gentleman from New York, [Mr. Hewitt,] while advocating free trade, incidentally or accidentally stated a truth which to me stems one of the most conclusive reasons why American farmers dare not rely on the foreign market, which is the Elysium of free- traders. He says: “Our products are agriculture. In years of famine the world will take all we have to spare; in years of plenty there wiil be a surplus for which there is no foreign outlet.” And this is the reliance to which free-trade theories commend us as the dependence of our immense agriculture, which last year gave as its vast total more than nine billion dollars worth of products. Now, the total foreign pop ulation, which consumes our surplus food, produce does not double its ag gregate number on an average in less than one hundred years. Therefore our powers of production increase more than five times faster than their capacity for consumption. But the population which constitutes our home market is doubled in every period of twenty-three years. No foreign market thus based on low wages, thus irregu lar from varying home supply, thus subject to ruin from political revolu tion, and thus inadequate from stagna tion can ever meet the aggressive de mands or measure the,expansive force of our productive possibilities. The advantage of the home market is one of the oldest elements of econ omical science. In 1771, Dr. Franklin, writing home from London, where he had been watching the growth of En gland’s great industiies, says: “Every manufacturer encouraged iu our country makes a part of a market for provisions within ourselves, and saves so much money to the country as must otherwise be exported to pay for the manufacturer he supplies. Herein England it is well known and und. r- stood that whenever a manufacture is established which employs a number of hands it raises the value of land in the neighboring country all around. It seems, theiefoie, the interest of our farmers and owners of land to encour age our young manufacturers in prefer ence to foreign ones.” So thought, and so spoke and urged Washington, Jefferson, Madison, Alon roe and Jackson. Every one of these early Presidents was a farmer, and un derstood and advocated the interests of agriculture as the basis of our pros- • perity. Said President Jackson, “Plant the manufacturer by the side of the farmer.” In 1824, when we had a low-duty tariff, and our markets were glutted with British goods, he said, in a letter to Dr. Coleman, of Virginia: “Where has the American farmer a market for his surplus products? Ex cept for cotton he has neither a foreign nor a home market. Does not this clearly prove when there is no market either at home or abroad, that there is too much labor employed in agricul ture? Draw from agriculture the su perabundant labor, employ it in me chanism or manufactures, thereby cre ating a home market for your bread- stuffs, and distributing labor to a most I profitable account, and benefits to the country will result. Take from agri • culture in the United States 600,000 men, women and children, and you at onee give a home market for more breadstuffs than all Europe now fur nishes. In short, we have been too long subject to British merchants. It is time we should become a little more Americanized.” Some of the professed followers of Jackson on this floor would spurn these patriotic words and satisfy themselves by the theories of British agents that a home market is a delusion, and that we should still continue to be “subject to British merchants. FREE TRADE AND HARD TIMES. The lessons of our history attest nothing more absolutely than the fact that prosperous and protected manu factories make prosperous agriculture. With equal step they have thrived or languished. Before the tariff of 1824 our manufacturing industries were pros trate. What was the’ condition of ag riculture?' On the floor of this House Henry Clay declared that “successive ■ unthrashed crops of grain have per ished in our barns and barn-yards for want of a market,” and that there was “an universal complaint of the want of employment, and the consequent re duction of wages.” Thomas Ewing, Senator from Ohio, defending the system of protection iu the interest of agriculture, speaking of the same period prior to the tariff of 1824, said: “In short, every portion of the world was searched by our intelligent mer chants, and all combined did not fur nish a market adequate to bur surplus products ns. Every Ohio farmer long knew and felt the pressure consequent on this state of things. Year after year their stacks of wheat stood un thrashed, scarcely worth the manual labor of separating the grain from the straw; so low was it reduced, in com parison with manufactured articles, that I knew forty bushels of wheat given for a pair of boots; such was the state of things in the western country prior to and at the time of the revision of the tariff of 1284. PROTECTION AND PROSPERITY. This condition of things throughout the country brought about the protec tive tariff of 1824, under which all the indu tries of the people revived, and the years which followed were years of prosperity and development. Of the seven years-which followed, Henry Clay said in 1832, “If any term of seven years were to be selected of the greatest prosperity which the people have enjoyed since the establishment of their present constitution, it would be exactly that period of seven years which immediately followed the pas sage of the tariff of 1824.” MORE PROTECTION AND GREATER FOOD. The passage of the tariff act o. 1828 being still more protective, was a di rect result of the favor with which the mass of the people received, the oper ation and effects of the previous one. Labor was in demand at higher wages. Manufacturers were springing into ex istence, bringing to farmers a ready and eager market for productions wh ch would not bear transportation to a dis tance. It was passed without any claim of inadequate revenue, for its object was avowedly protection, for protec tion had covered the country with proofs of its benefits and advantages. So-the bill was voted for by Van Bu- rcn, Silas Wright, Thomas Benton, Richard AI. Johnson, and John H. Eaton, and by the Representatives from Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana and Kentucky, each State about to vote for Jackson for President. The public journals of that day say that when the news of the passage of the bill reached Charleston, South Carolina, the British vessels in port displayed their flags at half-mast in token of what is still com mon—British hatred of American pros perity. Though this was an indecent interference with the legislation of an independent nation, it was not so ag gressive an insult as the British circu lation of this British pamphlet, which I hold in my hand, scattered over the country in the midst of a national elec tion, and telling American citizens how they should vote. But our country had on grown British dictation, and though ;he tariff was only “a local question” once in that campaign of 1880, it be came a great national issue, and the people knowing its benefits and sur rounded by the prosperity it had brought, carried its banner to victory. [Applause. J Our own competition brings prices to a just level, and at the same time our protective system preserves our indus tries by shutting out a ruinous compe tition with pauper labor, and also pre venting England from destroying our manufactures, as Lord Brougham ad vised, and then putting up the prices as always had been done. Now, I hasten on to another proof of what I have said. I hold in my hand a volume of Par liamentary Reports for 1880. It is a free-trade Englvh authority. Air. Archbold, the English consul-general at New York, in 1880, made this report to his government, which was thought of sufficient importance to be published by order of Parliament. He speaks at length of “the effect of the protective tariff in stimulating wool-growing and the production of cloth,” and states that “the prices of carpets in the Uni ted States in 1879 are 12 per cent, cheaper than they were in 1860, while in dress-goods prices had fallen about 25 per Cent, in the same period.” In every country labor is the wealth creator. It is the largest part of its capital. It is the productive force of all development. High wages are a measure of the real prosperity of a country. Any economic system that does not base itself on full wage^for labor in this country is at war with both its interests and its institutions. How grandly did Lincoln, the great American commoner, recognize this in his first message to Congress. He said, “Labor is prior to capital. Capital is the fruit of labor, and could not exist unless labor had first existed. Labor, therefore, deserves much the higher consideration.” Garfield said, “It is our glory that the American laboier is more intelligent and better paid than his foreign competitor.” In contrast with that truly American doctrine, I set the English theory, openly pro- claimed in Parliament by Huskisson, when a member of the cabinet. He sasd, “To enable capital to obtain a fair remuneration, labor must must be kept down. ’ In England it has been kept down. Il is down It is hopeless to rise, for on it are piled, tier above tier, castes and ranks and costly estab lishments and primogenitures and princely prerogatives and an idle aris tocracy. And it is to-day just as when Huskisson avowed it in the brutal doc trine of English power, that the labor ing class is to be kept down. The London Times, .of July 10, 1880, says editorially, in speaking of the chances of free trade in this country: “The United States do not approach the question from the same point of view as ourselves. The object of their statesmen is not to secure the largest amount of wealth for the country gen erally, but to keep up, by whatever means the standard of comfort among the laboring classes.” Yes, that is the object of all ^rue American statesmen, for the laborer is the citizen—the American. And for that reason protection would refuse pauper labor competition wi'h free American labor. The object and the effect of that protection is to make possible better wages and thereby better conditions for all our useful classes, for in this country every useful citizen is a worker in some manner. A distinguished foreigner, traveling in this country lately, said: “Where are your laboring c asses ? I have not seen them yet.” Iu the United States wages are bett p and the necessaries of life are loiter t^an in England or on the continent. These higher wages represent the comfort and happiness of American homes. These better wages, better living, better conditions, the possibil ity of schools, the ownership of homes, the chance for the laborer of now to be the capitalist in a lew years, are all made possible by protection. I have come to bate the very name “cheap laboi.” I know what it means in Eng land. Some years since I spent months in learning something of the condition of the working and other classes in England and on the continent. No statistics, no words can fully describe what cheap labor there means in the destitution and hopelessness of its con dition. A single illustration may hint at it. In a vast cutlery manufactory in Sheffield, England, an old man said to me in reply to questions: “I have stood thirty-four years in this corner of this room and wrought daily, and when this lad now by me, who has never been a day in school, can make one-third time we have meat at our poor table once a week. Saturday night I buy a joint and Sunday we have some soup.” I said, “Can you not hope for something better ?” The tears started down his soot-grimed face as he said: “No, sir; no, sir; nor un less I may some day be so happy as to get to America.” I never was so proud of my country as then, realizing that in no other country on earth could honest labor claim such reward or com mand such dignity and comfort. THE LIBERAL MOVEMENT. The following preamble and reso lutions, offered by Mon. James 11. Harris, were adopted by the Conven tion of leading colored men of North Carolina, which met at Goldsboro on the 29th of March, 1882 : . Whereas, The Democratic Legis lature of North Carolina has taken from the pvoble >Ae right to elect their magistrates and county officers, contrary to the spirit of our free institutions,and the American system of local self government; and whereas, The tendency of legislation since the Bourbon Democracy obtained control of our State government, has been to favor the few autocrats of that party at a sacrifice of the popular rights of the people; and whereas, by a shameful gerrymander of our large cities and Senatorial districts minor ities are allowed to rule majorities; and whereas, by a shameful gerry mander of our Congressional districts one hundred and twenty thousand Democrats (according to the election returns) are given seven of the eight Congressmen entitled, and thirty-seven voters only to which this State is the one hundred and thousand Republican one representative. Therefore, Be it resowed by this Convention: 1. That while we do not favor the abandonment of any of the principles of the Republican party which have done so much for the education of our race; and while we heartily endorse the administration of Presi dent Arthur, we hail with pleasure the unmistakable evidences of a liberal movement in North Carolina founded on popular rights as against Bourbon rule, class legislation, and tyrannical monopolies. 2. That we will hail such liberal movement, founded upon such prin ciples; and are ready to • receive those liberal men who have hereto fore acted with the Democratic party who are ^not blinded by the narrow prejudice of ^hy -gone age, and who are willing to bury the dead past in an earnest and joint effort to build up a new North State, to make the burdens of government bear equally upon all citizens, and guarantee to all equal rights and privileges, under just and humane laws. The following is the certified return of the vote in Wake at the electian on Thursday, August 4th, 1881, on the question of Prohibition: Barton’s Creek, Buckhorn, Cary, Cedar Fork, House’s Creek, Liver River, Alark’s Creek, Aliddle Creek, Neuse River, New Light, Oak Grove, Panther Branch, St. Mary’s, St. Matthew’s, Swift Creek, * For. Ag’st. Maj. 67 44 85 40 56 39 26 53 39 6 22 18 79 25 33 W. Forest—Forestville, 74 Rolesville, 52 White Oak, Raleigh—1st Ward, 2d Ward, 3d Ward, 4th Ward, 5th Ward, Out. Cor., 62 160 134 86 56 207 137 210 336 128 154 293 253 286 304 184 245 161 254 412 311 261 233 237 304 120 257 66 217 125 400 143 292 43 114 214 260 251 145 239 139 236 333 286 228 159 185 242 123 161 263 1600 5751 4293 Prohibition majorities—1st ward, 40; 3d ward, 20; Sth ward, 82, 142 Alajority against Prohibition, 4151 I RESOLUTIONS ADOPTED BY THE RE PUBLICAN STATE CONVENTION, JUNE 14TH, 1882. The Republicans of North Caro lina, in convention assembled, renew the pledges made in all former plat forms and declare as follows : Resolved, That education is the bulwark of American liberty : that the constitution of the United States requires the National Government to secure to each State a Republican form of government; that the amount of money as now collected and dis bursed by the State is greatly less than is absolutely necessary to fur nish each child with a practical* English education ; therefore we favor the appropriation of the in ternal revenue tax on distilled spirits by Congress, pro. rata, among the several States and Territories, to the full amount of money derived from this source, and to be expended in educating the children ot our com mon country. Resolved, That sound policy, based upon the experience of the past twen ty-two years, requires th" continu ance of the tariff which enables the labor and capital employed in our great industries to compete fairly in our own markets with the labor and capital of foreign producers. Resolved, That the present system of county government is based upon the monarchical principle of taxation without representation, a.uJ. is utter ly subversive of the rights of the cit izen, and should be repealed. The inherent right of the people to elect every officer clothed with a portion of the sovereignty of the State, from the chief executive to the humblest official, must not be d nied or abridged, to the end that local self- government may be restored to the people of North Carolina. That an honest count must follow a free bal lot, and the majority shall determine who shall make and execute the laws. Resolved, That the Bourbon leaders of the Democratic party are respon sible for the passage of'the prohibi tion bill and the agitation resulting therefrom. The said bill having been rejected by a vote of the people, the Republicans of this State, in maintaining the fundamental princG ple that a majority must rule, request their candidates for the Legislature to vote for the repeal of said prohi bition bill and against all similar measures. Resolved, That we unreservedly and cordially indorse the adminis tration of President Chester A. Ar thur, and realizing the difficulties originally besetting its plan and course of duties, we recognize in its policy—combining wisdom with con sistency, justice with moderation, suavity in manner with firmness of execution—the policy of the Ameri can people. Resolved, That the declared pur pose of the President, as set forth in his message, and assured by his well- known character and associations, to secure both the recognition of in dividual right and protection for personal property, as well as the commercial and business prosperity of the people throughout the South ern States of our Republic, commands the hearty support of every Southern interest and the admiration of every Southern heart; and we pledge him in return the earnest co operation of the Liberal and Republican voters of our State. Resolved, That the Liberal Con vention, which met in this city on the 7th inst., was the first organized evidence on the part of the liberal and progressive men who have here tofore acted with the Democratic party, of a revolt against the des potism of Bourbon Democracy. That free thought, free speech and inde pendent political action received great encouragement from the ac iou of said convention ; that the men who had stood in convention and denounced the destruction of popular rights in North Carolina and the evils of class legislation, are worthy of the confidence and support of the people. That Oliver H. Dockery has always been true to the rights of the people; that he is a man of ability and experience, and the cause of the people in this campaign has been wisely entrusted to his leader ship; therefore we endorse his nom ination for Congressman-at-Large. Resolved, That George N. Folk is one of the ablest jurists in the State, is singularly free from prejudice and bias on account of race and political affiliation and is in every way fitted for the important office of Associate Justice of the Supreme Court; there fore we endorse his nomination as made by the Liberal Democratic Convention on the 7th inst. Resolved, That the lives, liberty, prosperity and happiness of the peo ple are inseparable from an incor ruptible and non-partizan judiciary ; therefore we endorse the nominations of Charles C. Pool, John A. Moore, Frank H. Darby, William A. Guthrie and L. F. Churchill for Superior Court Judges. IMPORTANT. The Republicans, assisting the Liberals, will, between now and the middle of September, hold county conventions for the purpose of placing legislative and county tickets before the people. It will be neces sary to move in accordance with the plan of organization. In those counties already organised under this plan, the first step to be taken with be the calling together of the county executive committee by the chairman thereof and the fixing, by this com mittee, of the time for holding the county nominating convention. Then it will be the duty of the chairman of each precinct executive committee, after consulting his associates, to call a precinct meeting for the appoint ment of three delegates and three alternates, and no more, to the coun- by convention. precincts or townships where no executive com mittees were appointed when meet ings were held to appoint delegates to county conventions that appointed delegates to the late State Conven tion, the Republicans therein may assemble in meeting and there choose an executive committee of three. They will then elect three delegates and three alternates. Each precinct in a township, and each ward in a city or town number ing over three thousand inhabitants, provided said city or town has State voting-places in its wards, shall be entitled to the same repre sentation, viz : three delegates and three alternates, and no more. COUNTY CONVENTIONS. County conventions shall consist of three delegates and three alternates from each township or precinct in such county, duly elected by the Re publican voters thereof, under the plan and rules of organization of the Republican party of North Carolina, and no more. Delegates and alternates to county conventions shall be elected only by a vote of the Republicans of each precinct in precinct meeting assem bled, after due notice and publica tion of not less than fifteen days, of the time, place and purpose of such meeting, and not otherwise. County conventions shall be organ, ized by the chairman of the~county committee, who shall call the conven tion to order and act as temporary chairman until a permanent organiza tion is effected, with power only to appoint, and receive the report of, a committee on credentials.^ The certificate of the chairman ami by chairmen of the precinct executive committees, who preside until the election of a chairman and a secre tary of the meeting. V. No executive committee* shall have power to elect or appoint del egates to any convention, whether county, district, State or National. VI. No member of an executive committee or delegate or alternate duly chosen shall have power to dele gate his trust or authority to another. Vacancies among nominees; caused by death or declination, may be filled by the Executive Committee of the class in which the vacancy occurs. VII. —Representation. Representation in county conven tions shall consist of three Republi can voters as delegates, and three Republican voters as alternates from each precinct in the county, and no more. V ill. Representation in Congress ional, Judicial, Senatorial and State Conventions, shall consist of two delegates and two alternates only, for eveiy member of the lower House of the General Assembly, and sha 1 be apportioned in the several counties accordingly : Provided, That each county voting with another county for member or members cf said lower House shall have two del egates and two alternates, without affecting the i ©presentation of the county with which it votes. .Until CLo Tuesday »>O3«C. ufbok- d.'. R.>u( A 1 zv». secretary of the meeting, setting forth the regularity of the primary meet ing of the township or precinct, and the election of the delegate and alter nate thereat, shall .be accepted, when uncontested, as good and sufficient credentials for such delegate and alternate. No executive committee shall have power to elect or appoint delegates to conventions. CREDENTIALS. We present below a form of cre dentials. Should the delegate not be able to attend the county conven tion, he will place the credentials in the hands of his alternate. This paper is to be taken to ’the conven tion and surrendered when called for by the committee on credentials : County. This is to cei tif’y, that at a primary meeting of the Republicans of day in November, 1882, the repro - sentation shall be as follows :— precinct, the , having been r township, held on 188—, said luccuiug jgularly called, in con- — Counties. Alamance, Alexander. Alleghany, Anson, Ashe, Beaufort, Bertie, Bladen, Brunswick, Buncombe, Burke, Cabarrus, Caldwell, I Camden, Carteret, I Caswell, 1’ Catawba, Chatham, Cherokee, Chowan, Clay, Cleveland, Columbus, meeting I Craven, formity with the plan of organization of the Republican party, — was duly elected one of the three delegates to represent said precinct in the county convention, to be held in , on the day of , 188-- It is further certified, that was, at the same meeting, duly elected alternate to the above named delegate. Witness, the signature of the chairman of the said meeting, and that of the secretary thereof, the day and year first above written. , Ch’n. , Sec’y. C^^The secretary of the county convention will alter the form to suit election of delegates by that body to Congressional and Senatorial district conventions. PLAN OF ORGANIZATION. RULES AND REGULATIONS FOR THE ORGANIZATION OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY OF NORTH CAROLINA. I .— County Organization. The election precinct shall be the unit of county organization. Each precinct shall have an executive committee consisting of tluee active Republicans They shall be bien nially chosen by the Republican voters of the precinct — the voters to meet only upon the call of the chairs man; in precincts whdre there is no executive committee, the Republicans of the precinct may assemble in meet ing and there elect an executive com mittee—and shall elect one of their number chairman. They shall con vene together at such time and place as the majority of them may elect. They—a convention of all the precinct executive committees—shall biennial ly elect a county executive committee to consist of not less than five mem bers, who shall elect a chairman from their number. Vacancies in precinct committees shall be fill'd by the voters of the precinct, and in county committees by a convention of the precinct committees duly called : Provided, That in case a vacancy occurs within thirty days prior ro an election, such vacancy may be filled by the vote of the remaining mem bers. II. — Congressional, Judicial and Senatorial Districts. There shall be a Congressional, Judicial and Senatorial District Committee, composed of not less than one member from each county, nor less than seven members, bien nially—the Judicial committee quad rennially—elected by the several dis trict conventions, each of wbom shall elect a chairman from their number : Provided, That a sen itorial district committee shall only be elected in districts embracing more than one county. Vacancies occurring within thirty days of an election may be filled by the vote of the committee. III —State Bxecutive Committee. There shall be a State Executive Committee, composed oi one memb( r from each Congressional District in the State, to be designated by the district delegations in State Conven tion assembled; two members at large—three for 1882-’83—to be elected by the State Convention, and the chairman of the convention at which the election is held. They shall be biennially elected at the State Convention, shall choose one of their number chairman, and shall elect a secretary who is not a mem ber, who shall reside at Raleigh. IV. The chairmen of the respec tive county, district and State ex ecutive committees shall call their conventions to order and act as tem porary chairmen until a permanent organization is effected, with power only to appoint, and receive the re port of, a committee on credentials. Precinct meetings are called to order Delegates. 2 2 2 2 4 2 2 2 4 4 2 2 2 Cumberland, Currituck, Davidson, Davie, Duplin, Durham, Edgecombe, Forsyth, Franklin, Gaston, Gates, Graham, Granville, Halifax, Harnett, Hay wood, Henderson, Hertford, Hyde, Iredell, Jackson, Johnston, Jones, Lenoir, Lincoln, Macon, Madison, Martin, McDowell, M ecklenburg, Mitchel], Montgomery, Nash, New Hanover, Northampton, Onslow, Orange, Pamlico, Pasquotank, Tender, Perquimans, Person, Pitt,’ Polk, Randolph, Richmond, Robeson, Rockingham, Rowan, Rutherford, Sampson, Stanly, Stokes, Surry, Swain, I ransylvania, Tyrrell, Union, Vance, W ake, Washington, Vatauga, Wayne, Wilkes, Wilson, Yadkin, Yancey, 2 4 4 2 2 4 2 2 2 4 4 4 2 4 4 2 4 2 2 2 4 4 2 2 4 4 2 4 4 4 2 4 2 2 2 2 8 4 4 2 A Iternates. 2 2 2 2 2 4 2 2 2 4 2 4 2 2 2 2 4 4 2 4 4 2 4 2 2 2 2 4 4 4 2 2 2 2 2 4 4 2 4 2 2 4 2 4 4 4 4 2 4 2 2 2 2 8 4 4 4 2 2 —After the seventh day of Novem - ber, 1882, in the absence of an ap portionment by the Legislature of 1883, the representation shall be as prescribed in chapter 291, laws 1881, and representation of two del egates and two alternates shall be al lowed each county voting with another IX. Delegates and alternates to county conventions shall be elected only by a vote of the Republicans of each p*ecinct in precinct meeting assembled; and delegates and al ternates to district, State and Na tional conven'ions shall be elected by a convention of delegates duly elected and sent by the people for that purpose after due notice and publicUion of not less than fifteen days, of the time, place and purpose of such meeting or convention, and not otherwise. X. The certificate of the chairman and secretary of the meeting, SF tting forth the regularity of the primary meeting or convention, and the elec tion of the delegate and alternate thereat, shall be accepted when un contested, as a good and sufficient credential for such delegate and alternate. XI. This plan of organization and procedure shall continue in force- until changed or abrogated by a sub sequent Republican State Conven tion. Adopted in State Convention, July 8th, 1880; representation defined by State Convention, Jur e 14th, 1882^
The Times [1882] (Raleigh, N.C.)
Standardized title groups preceding, succeeding, and alternate titles together.
Aug. 9, 1882, edition 1
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